The following are sample policies that might be pushed as part of a TS Party Platform, addressing issues that are pushable in the United States as of this writing
Having sufficient agricultural output to feed most of our population is internationally strategic; it is one less vulnerability to action by other nations that we can choose to have. Low-cost loan programmes and mutual insurance programmes should be established/maintained by the state if they do not already exist or are inefficient in the market. Agricultural subsidies should be tied to performance metrics that include the welfare and health of plants and animals that are part of the food supply; non-free-range keeping of animals and excessive growth of corn for food should be penalised by any subsidies or programmes, although the option of subsidising corn growth as a renewable alternative energy source may be justified. Correcting the effects of this subsidy may entail special taxes on corn syrup.
In the transitional period, the primary policy goal for TS is to promote democracy in the workplace and worker-owned collectives. While this can happen independent of political activity under some political/economic systems, it is not always easy to do so without the appropriate legal structures, and most governments play an active role in keeping their economic system vibrant and encouraging things they see as in the economic national interest; a TS party would play a role in that process as well. To promote collectives, there need to be programmes that fund them suitably (and possibly tax incentives for this structure), and there need to be appropriate legal structures to ensure they don't have greater liability than other forms of businesses. In the longer term, a TS state would hope to see broad collectivisation of various industries, but also for vibrant competition between collectives; a monopoly that is a collective would be almost as much a problem as a monopoly that is a corporation, in that without competition on business methods and practices, continual exploration and reevaluation of design spaces would not occur.
Apart from broad economic programmes, a TS programme would seek international accords that would prevent forms of international competition that are harmful, leading to lower standards along directions where standards protect human decency and the environment. More broadly, while labour interests and green concerns should be protected through international accords, other protectionist concerns should not be entertained when it comes to international trade, and sustained high levels of trade between nations is desirable.
Public education up through 12th grade should be mandatory and federally funded, with little involvement by local communities and no faith or culture-based exclusions. There should be experimentation within the public school system, with a variety of educational and organisational methods as options, provided the schools remain public, secular, compliant with a universal service obligation, and otherwise meet reasonable metrics. Higher education should be entirely funded through the general tax burden, and should continue at intervals for all citizens with an option of up to two university-level classes every five years.
Health is understood to be part of the public good, and TS parties aim to preserve and improve existing programmes as well as implement new ones. Funding for medical research should be increased, and issues with conflicts-of-interest and inadequate standards in the FDA should be addressed. Universal public healthcare should be implemented as soon as possible, eliminating private health insurance. A TS part should support public funding for medical education, and tighter standards for what constitutes medical malpractice as well as limits on rewards from such lawsuits should be instituted. In the longer run, it should be financially easier to become a doctor or nurse-practitioner, although the pay will not be as far above national averages.
Citizens should know the broad outline of espionage and security programmes, even if they are not aware of specifics that may lessen the effectiveness of these programmes. Foreign espionage will be kept within limits permitted by local law and international norms, and may only be used to benefit national interests, not including the interests of private businesses.
Housing and other management of land in cities should primarily be managed through city ownership of the land, with infrequent and as-needed bidding (with community input able to override a strict price preference either towards a particular tenant or type of tenant). The purpose of this is to give communities more control over land use in their region, to allow fallow land to easily be allocated towards temporary or permanent community use, and to prevent ownership as a substitution for labour in economic life.
TS generally supports restrictions on sale of medicines based on prescription, as well as general food safety laws; both of these are effective to keep society safe. TS suggests toleration of recreational drugs that can be used by most people as part of a reasonable life, and supports restrictions or bans on other would-be recreational drugs; large-scale traffickers of such restricted or banned drugs should be treated as other serious criminals, with their networks uprooted; casual users should just face fines. Like with other medical issues, treatment programmes should be available for addicts of drugs both legal and illegal.
In nations like the United States, TS policies should generally lean towards Federal power except in regions where state or regional power are needed to correspond to specific (and identifiable) local specifics. State sovereignty is not an argument that TS should support. However, a TS movement that may gain local policies differing from federal norms has the option to deemphasise this preference as a matter of pragmatics.